Ⅰ 想問一下經濟學的論文如何修改，有什麼能避開查重的技巧啊
因為題名主要起標示作用，而陳述句容易使題名具有判斷式的語義，且不夠精回煉和醒目。少數情況（評述性答、綜述性和駁斥性）下可以用疑問句做題名，因為疑問句有探討性語氣，易引起讀者興趣。
同一篇論文的英文題名與中文題名內容上應一致，但不等於說詞語要一一對應。在許多情況下，個別非實質性的詞可以省略或變動。
Ⅱ 經濟學英語論文翻譯
China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the U.S. government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange rate
First, the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of Sino-US trade deficit
1, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balance
China and the United States for such a big difference between two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China through Hong Kong re-exports of double counting in China's exports to the United States (2), the U.S. trade data Collection process has many problems.
2, Sino-US trade deficit is what causes
(1), the U.S. Government's high-tech procts export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason.
(2), U.S. investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the U.S. multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is U.S. multinational companies to rece proction costs and increase profits one of the main channel.
(3), the U.S. trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income account
3, Liaokai U.S. foreign trade deficit veil
U.S. imports from the large number of foreign companies in setting up their own proction lines, in other words, the U.S. subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries trade with the countries of the document.
British economist Julius once the U.S. balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the U.S. trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion U.S. dollars into 57 billion A surplus of U.S. dollars. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the U.S. subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million U.S. dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion U.S. dollars, almost 3 trillion U.S. dollars, and foreign exports to the U.S. and foreign companies in the U.S. , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of 2.4 trillion U.S. dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the country.
U.S. exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion U.S. dollars. Over the same period, imports of U.S. and foreign multinational companies in the U.S. market sales, and for both of 2.4 trillion U.S. dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion U.S. dollars, and this is when the analysis of the U.S. foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the problem.
4, the U.S. trade deficit, the real reason for the
(1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar, which makes U.S. goods, services, trade Deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion U.S. dollars.
(2) deterioration of the low U.S. savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building.
(3) U.S. multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods."
China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation
Ⅲ 急求一篇英文的經濟學論文
授之以魚不如授之以漁！蛋卷是某大學國際貿易學系學生，很高興能幫上你。其實回有個很好的辦法答可以讓你迅速拿到這樣的文獻。我們一般找中英文的文獻和論文都是用這樣的辦法。上google，然後收索你要的作品名稱或者重點詞彙在後面加.pdf.例如 「 economic .pdf」或者「 economic .doc」 這樣。你要找什麼論文或者文獻就重點詞+.pdf 或者重點詞+.doc 蛋卷用這個辦法屢試不爽，你可以多找幾篇，看看論文的架構和作者的思路，並且適當參考。蛋卷提醒使用此方法應該注意的問題：1.一定要用google，因為只有google帶有強大的pdf文件檢索功能，效果會偏差。 2.注意重點詞，如果用一個重點詞找不到合適的論文，建議換幾個重點詞試試，肯定可以下到論文 3.盡量從檢索頁第一頁偏下方開始找論文。因為google也是有檢索排行的，所以一些論文網站會排在你檢索到的信息前面，一般都是需要注冊或者付費下載。一般直接點開鏈接就出現下載的頁面在檢索頁第一頁靠後一點的位置開始。 4.多試試，肯定有。相信蛋卷。希望蛋卷的回答對你有幫助。
Ⅳ 一段有關經濟學的英文論文的翻譯，麻煩各位高人了！能快點嗎我今天急用。謝謝！
我們現抄在證實的是我們對於依賴性的計算的確是可信的。我們採取兩種方式完成這項工作。首先我們發現，一個國家過去的金融與其工業的對外依賴程度息息相關。其次，我們檢驗所得的結果對於不同的相關性的測算是否有效。全部資本總額是一個基於一國過去其財政收入的增加額的（粗略）估計。如果外部依賴性可以表現出為了美國本土之外的源融資的工業技術需求，那麼那些在外部依賴性較大的工業國家應該有更高的資本額。我們通過利用「產業外部融資依賴度」乘以「1980年工業貢獻度比製造業的增加值的分數」測算到每個國家的加權平均數，之後我們再在模型中倒推41個國家的對於資本總額的加權平均數。
Ⅳ 經濟類論文英文參考文獻
Lin G C S, Yi F. Urbanization of capital or capitalization on urban land? Land development and local public finance in urbanizing China[J]. Urban Geography, 2011, 32(1): 50-79. Robalino J A. Land conservation policies and income distribution: who bears the burden of our environmental efforts?[J]. Environment and Development Economics, 2007, 12(4): 521-533.
Ⅵ 經濟類的英文論文
Half-way from rags to riches
Apr 24th 2008
From The Economist print edition
Vietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?
Eyevine
Correction to this article
KNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows g into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans ring the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in 1975.
Alongside the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries.
These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese 「boat people」.
Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged 7.5%. Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll.
An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm proce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open.
All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable.
Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council.
Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-recing growth.
The World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a 「poster child」 of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the 「Washington Consensus」— enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic literacy.
Vietnam no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $5.4 billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exos of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them.
Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a 「China-plus-one」 strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and proctivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten.
The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket.
Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern instrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic.
But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the 「middle-income trap」 as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further rections in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to go.
The stench of corruption
The Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be done.
Almost as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal argument.
The government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official proceres. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly.
Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at 19.4% in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and indivials borrowed to speculate on shares and property.
The government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay.
What could go wrong
All this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks:
• Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.
• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.
• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.
• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.
• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing down.
Vietnam has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development.
Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with graal political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
Ⅶ 請問能不能幫我看一篇我的英語經濟類論文（1500字）然後我的abstract寫得不太好 希望高手能幫忙改改！
請問是哪種來類型的論文，自留學課程論文嗎還是？要說明清楚熱心人才好回復你噢；
如果實在找不到合適人改的話，建議你試試看去下這個網站（輕松無憂論文網）能否幫助到你，去網路一下他們的網址吧，聽我同事說他們的信用還不錯！
Ⅷ 經濟學論文的摘要 求英文翻譯 不要翻譯器的· 謝謝謝~~
In the economic developing small and medium-sized enterprise plays a very important role. Help the growth of national economy, small and medium-sized enterprises at present has become the mainstay of scientific and technological progress and innovation, become the employment pressure relieve important channel. But in recent years sme financing channel is narrow, financing quantity, less financing structure unreasonable, financing costs is high, cause the financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises. This paper analyzes the financing way of small and medium-sized enterprises, summarized the sme financing difficulty of financing environment situation and reasons, and then puts forward some solving countermeasures of financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises.
在經濟發展中中小企業起著非常重要作用。
In the economic developing small and medium-sized enterprise plays a very important role.
有助於國民經濟的增長，目前中小企業已經成為科技進步和創新的主力軍，成為就業壓力緩解的重要渠道。
Help the growth of national economy, small and medium-sized enterprises at present has become the mainstay of scientific and technological progress and innovation, become the employment pressure relieve important channel.
但是近些年中小企業融資渠道狹窄、融資數量少、融資結構不合理、融資成本高，造成中小企業融資困難。
But in recent years sme financing channel is narrow, financing quantity, less financing structure unreasonable, financing costs is high, cause the financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises.
本文對中小企業融資方式進行分析，總結出中小企業融資環境現狀及融資難的原因，並提出相應解決中小企業融資難的對策。
This paper analyzes the financing way of small and medium-sized enterprises, summarized the sme financing difficulty of financing environment situation and reasons, and then puts forward some solving countermeasures of financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises.
希望能夠幫到樓主、20分給我就好了
Ⅸ 一段有關經濟學的英文論文的翻譯，麻煩各位高人了！能快點嗎我今天急用。謝謝！
在表7中，我們對外部依賴性測量進行了穩定性檢測。在變化外部依賴性測量的同時，我們以一個專國家的會計標屬准作為金融發展的測量指標，測量方法見上面。
在第一列，外部依賴性的計算僅限於美國成熟公司(10年以上的公司)的樣本。相互作用變數為正數，而且具有統計學的顯著性；測算出的差異成長率(百分之0.9)與全部樣本相似。
其次，我們檢測了依賴性的持久性。如果美國80年代的融資模式與70年代的模式差異很大，就沒有理由向其他國家(特別是使用過時技術的發展中國家)提供信息以希望得到相同的依賴性。工業對外部融資的需求在80年代和70年代之間的未精細相關系數為0.63。在測量70年代的對外融資需求時，系數估算結果具有統計學的顯著性，測算出的差異成長率為百分之0.9。