Ⅰ 想问一下经济学的论文如何修改，有什么能避开查重的技巧啊
因为题名主要起标示作用，而陈述句容易使题名具有判断式的语义，且不够精回炼和醒目。少数情况（评述性答、综述性和驳斥性）下可以用疑问句做题名，因为疑问句有探讨性语气，易引起读者兴趣。
同一篇论文的英文题名与中文题名内容上应一致，但不等于说词语要一一对应。在许多情况下，个别非实质性的词可以省略或变动。
Ⅱ 经济学英语论文翻译
China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the U.S. government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange rate
First, the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of Sino-US trade deficit
1, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balance
China and the United States for such a big difference between two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China through Hong Kong re-exports of double counting in China's exports to the United States (2), the U.S. trade data Collection process has many problems.
2, Sino-US trade deficit is what causes
(1), the U.S. Government's high-tech procts export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason.
(2), U.S. investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the U.S. multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is U.S. multinational companies to rece proction costs and increase profits one of the main channel.
(3), the U.S. trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income account
3, Liaokai U.S. foreign trade deficit veil
U.S. imports from the large number of foreign companies in setting up their own proction lines, in other words, the U.S. subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries trade with the countries of the document.
British economist Julius once the U.S. balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the U.S. trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion U.S. dollars into 57 billion A surplus of U.S. dollars. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the U.S. subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million U.S. dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion U.S. dollars, almost 3 trillion U.S. dollars, and foreign exports to the U.S. and foreign companies in the U.S. , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of 2.4 trillion U.S. dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the country.
U.S. exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion U.S. dollars. Over the same period, imports of U.S. and foreign multinational companies in the U.S. market sales, and for both of 2.4 trillion U.S. dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion U.S. dollars, and this is when the analysis of the U.S. foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the problem.
4, the U.S. trade deficit, the real reason for the
(1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar, which makes U.S. goods, services, trade Deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion U.S. dollars.
(2) deterioration of the low U.S. savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building.
(3) U.S. multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods."
China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation
Ⅲ 急求一篇英文的经济学论文
授之以鱼不如授之以渔！蛋卷是某大学国际贸易学系学生，很高兴能帮上你。其实回有个很好的办法答可以让你迅速拿到这样的文献。我们一般找中英文的文献和论文都是用这样的办法。上google，然后收索你要的作品名称或者重点词汇在后面加.pdf.例如 “ economic .pdf”或者“ economic .doc” 这样。你要找什么论文或者文献就重点词+.pdf 或者重点词+.doc 蛋卷用这个办法屡试不爽，你可以多找几篇，看看论文的架构和作者的思路，并且适当参考。蛋卷提醒使用此方法应该注意的问题：1.一定要用google，因为只有google带有强大的pdf文件检索功能，效果会偏差。 2.注意重点词，如果用一个重点词找不到合适的论文，建议换几个重点词试试，肯定可以下到论文 3.尽量从检索页第一页偏下方开始找论文。因为google也是有检索排行的，所以一些论文网站会排在你检索到的信息前面，一般都是需要注册或者付费下载。一般直接点开链接就出现下载的页面在检索页第一页靠后一点的位置开始。 4.多试试，肯定有。相信蛋卷。希望蛋卷的回答对你有帮助。
Ⅳ 一段有关经济学的英文论文的翻译，麻烦各位高人了！能快点吗我今天急用。谢谢！
我们现抄在证实的是我们对于依赖性的计算的确是可信的。我们采取两种方式完成这项工作。首先我们发现，一个国家过去的金融与其工业的对外依赖程度息息相关。其次，我们检验所得的结果对于不同的相关性的测算是否有效。全部资本总额是一个基于一国过去其财政收入的增加额的（粗略）估计。如果外部依赖性可以表现出为了美国本土之外的源融资的工业技术需求，那么那些在外部依赖性较大的工业国家应该有更高的资本额。我们通过利用“产业外部融资依赖度”乘以“1980年工业贡献度比制造业的增加值的分数”测算到每个国家的加权平均数，之后我们再在模型中倒推41个国家的对于资本总额的加权平均数。
Ⅳ 经济类论文英文参考文献
Lin G C S, Yi F. Urbanization of capital or capitalization on urban land? Land development and local public finance in urbanizing China[J]. Urban Geography, 2011, 32(1): 50-79. Robalino J A. Land conservation policies and income distribution: who bears the burden of our environmental efforts?[J]. Environment and Development Economics, 2007, 12(4): 521-533.
Ⅵ 经济类的英文论文
Half-way from rags to riches
Apr 24th 2008
From The Economist print edition
Vietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?
Eyevine
Correction to this article
KNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows g into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans ring the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in 1975.
Alongside the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries.
These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”.
Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged 7.5%. Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll.
An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm proce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open.
All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable.
Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council.
Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-recing growth.
The World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”— enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic literacy.
Vietnam no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $5.4 billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exos of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them.
Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and proctivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten.
The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket.
Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern instrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic.
But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further rections in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to go.
The stench of corruption
The Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be done.
Almost as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal argument.
The government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official proceres. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly.
Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at 19.4% in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and indivials borrowed to speculate on shares and property.
The government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay.
What could go wrong
All this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks:
• Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.
• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.
• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.
• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.
• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing down.
Vietnam has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development.
Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with graal political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
Ⅶ 请问能不能帮我看一篇我的英语经济类论文（1500字）然后我的abstract写得不太好 希望高手能帮忙改改！
请问是哪种来类型的论文，自留学课程论文吗还是？要说明清楚热心人才好回复你噢；
如果实在找不到合适人改的话，建议你试试看去下这个网站（轻松无忧论文网）能否帮助到你，去网络一下他们的网址吧，听我同事说他们的信用还不错！
Ⅷ 经济学论文的摘要 求英文翻译 不要翻译器的· 谢谢谢~~
In the economic developing small and medium-sized enterprise plays a very important role. Help the growth of national economy, small and medium-sized enterprises at present has become the mainstay of scientific and technological progress and innovation, become the employment pressure relieve important channel. But in recent years sme financing channel is narrow, financing quantity, less financing structure unreasonable, financing costs is high, cause the financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises. This paper analyzes the financing way of small and medium-sized enterprises, summarized the sme financing difficulty of financing environment situation and reasons, and then puts forward some solving countermeasures of financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises.
在经济发展中中小企业起着非常重要作用。
In the economic developing small and medium-sized enterprise plays a very important role.
有助于国民经济的增长，目前中小企业已经成为科技进步和创新的主力军，成为就业压力缓解的重要渠道。
Help the growth of national economy, small and medium-sized enterprises at present has become the mainstay of scientific and technological progress and innovation, become the employment pressure relieve important channel.
但是近些年中小企业融资渠道狭窄、融资数量少、融资结构不合理、融资成本高，造成中小企业融资困难。
But in recent years sme financing channel is narrow, financing quantity, less financing structure unreasonable, financing costs is high, cause the financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises.
本文对中小企业融资方式进行分析，总结出中小企业融资环境现状及融资难的原因，并提出相应解决中小企业融资难的对策。
This paper analyzes the financing way of small and medium-sized enterprises, summarized the sme financing difficulty of financing environment situation and reasons, and then puts forward some solving countermeasures of financing difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises.
希望能够帮到楼主、20分给我就好了
Ⅸ 一段有关经济学的英文论文的翻译，麻烦各位高人了！能快点吗我今天急用。谢谢！
在表7中，我们对外部依赖性测量进行了稳定性检测。在变化外部依赖性测量的同时，我们以一个专国家的会计标属准作为金融发展的测量指标，测量方法见上面。
在第一列，外部依赖性的计算仅限于美国成熟公司(10年以上的公司)的样本。相互作用变量为正数，而且具有统计学的显著性；测算出的差异成长率(百分之0.9)与全部样本相似。
其次，我们检测了依赖性的持久性。如果美国80年代的融资模式与70年代的模式差异很大，就没有理由向其他国家(特别是使用过时技术的发展中国家)提供信息以希望得到相同的依赖性。工业对外部融资的需求在80年代和70年代之间的未精细相关系数为0.63。在测量70年代的对外融资需求时，系数估算结果具有统计学的显著性，测算出的差异成长率为百分之0.9。